Myanmar is a complex country at the geographic crossroads of India and China and the temporal crossroads of a frontier economy and a failed state. After several years of being wide-open to Western admirers, there is now a potential pivot to China.

In Pakistan, as an example, China has agreed to invest around $70 billion in infrastructure development in recent years, in Myanmar only $15 billion has been invested by China over the past three decades. In 2012 when Myanmar opened up more, it was in part to pivot towards the West, and not become dependent on China. The West eagerly pounced on the opportunity, with Hillary Clinton and President Obama, welcoming the reforms and putting Aung San Su Kyi on a very high pedestal.

The November 2015 elections initially appeared to be a milestone for Myanmar’s reform, and a legacy for the then President Thein Sein, with a sweeping win for Aung San Su Kyi’s party, but the fact that the Generals retained a key 25% block in Parliament quickly started to cast a shadow. Despite that, Billions of dollars of aid and investment flowed into the country, with dramatic impact seen in several areas. Land prices sky-rocketed, and everybody looked at putting a toe in the water.

The shine came off the Golden Land very quickly in 2017 when the problems in Rakhine state illuminated more issues than the West was really keen to know. Firstly, the Military is very good at reacting swiftly and fiercely to any challenge on its borders, as it has been hardened for many years in its battles with Ethnic groups in the northern Shan states. Secondly, the ruling party has little visible power, particularly as it has to contend with the blocking 25% stake held by the Military. Thirdly, Aung San Su Kyi has disappointed many in her apparent inability to act decisively, being the politician first and Nobel Laureate and icon of hope second. Lastly, perhaps more worryingly, is the attitude of the general population themselves to the Rohingya issue.

The Rohingya have little support among Myanmar’s 135 distinct ethnic groups, across the spectrum of religious, economic or educational levels. They are not valued as citizens of Myanmar. Their land sits in an important geographical area which promises access to resources for foreign investors, particularly the Chinese. They do, of course, have different religious beliefs to the majority of the predominantly Buddhist Myanmar people, but the problem is not only about religion.

The refugee crisis that is emerging as a result of the clearing of the Rohingya is possibly the worst in the world, on par with Syria. The world is unprepared. Bangladesh, the recipient of much of the recent influx, possibly numbering close to one million displaced people, is unable to cope and contain these starving and maltreated people.

The pressure on Myanmar will almost certainly increase. Its golden shine has been indelibly tarnished, and the next few years will bring domestic political change, possibly a coalition, or worst still a more pro-Military led parliament, once more, but almost certainly consigning the legacy of Aung San Su Kyi to disgrace. What this means for investors is unknown. There have been some positive improvements for Myanmar’s 60 million people, in particular, a dramatic improvement in its connectivity – now more than 80% of the population have access to a data-enabled phone. Information is more free-flowing, at least for now, for as long as the Military does not interfere too much (It controls one of the four mobile telecoms company, MPT, and is friendly to the fourth, controlled by Vietnam’s military.)

The Chinese are willing to protect Myanmar’s Generals and may become the source of financing for infrastructure development that is much needed, and which Japan and some of the multilateral agencies may be unwilling or unable to provide if targetted sanctions are re-imposed.